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A Hill of Beans

Watching the election returns roll in Tuesday night, it was hard not to be reminded of that crucial scene in "Casablanca," when Ilsa Lund, snuggling against Rick’s shoulder, sighed, "Oh, I don’t know what’s right any longer. You have to think for both of us."

This is essentially what Americans were saying Tuesday. You have to think for all of us. Which is why so many of us found ourselves clinging to Barack Obama. Like Richard Blaine in the movie, Obama was a hard man to define. His origins were shrouded in mystery, and therein lay his appeal. Granted, he isn’t quite the enigma Rick was. There is no Inspector Renault to say, "I’ve often speculated why you don’t return to America. Did you abscond with the church funds? Run off with a Senator’s wife? I like to think you killed a man. It’s the romantic in me."

Yet Rick’s response, "It was a combination of all three," was vintage Obamanian obfuscation. We tolerated his obliquity because it served our interests. As the embodiment of hope and change, it was essential that Obama not define those qualities. Otherwise, how could so many of us pin our hopes and dreams to his presence?

Today ostensibly shrewd commentators are devoting themselves to the question of whether Obama will be able to rein in the Congressional liberals. Those few who studied the man and his history are more inclined to ask, "Why would he want to?" But for the rest, the relatively moderate, centrist Obama of the last few months allows them to hang their hopes on the presumption that this is in fact the real Obama. The rest of his life, the bulk of the statements, actions and associations of the previous 47 ½ years, mean nothing.

For others, this desperate redefinition recalls the punch line to the old bawdy joke, "Who are you going to believe? Me, or your own lying eyes?"

The fact is, we don’t know who Obama is, nor how he will govern. We can hope that his ability to deliver a compelling speech, to act on cue and move to the right spot on the platform, will translate into genuine leadership. We can hope that his failure to respond to last month’s market crash was in fact a sign of grace under pressure, and not a failure of imagination. We can hope that his condemnation of Detroit automakers for building SUV’s "because they could make a profit," doesn’t actually mean he thinks it is wrong for a corporation to make a profit. Then again, we have his comment about pharmaceutical companies, "Now, these drug companies won’t willingly give up their profits."

But that might just be the kind of thing he had to say in order to win the nomination. His every action, alliance and statement over the course of his life could conceivably have been done and made solely to reach the point where he can bring his refreshingly moderate form of unifying leadership to the fore.

One can hope. One can hope most fervently that he achieves greatness, that like Ronald Reagan’s, his sunny optimism brings a new spirit to the American people. Perhaps a nation repeating "Yes, we can," will revive our spirit, and allow us to move ever forward as a beacon and shining example to a desperate world.

One can hope. As Americans we must hope that this will be the case. The greatest benefit of this dream sequence achieving reality will be its positive impact on that segment of society most in need of a psychological and spiritual boost, that of black males. It would be a tremendous benefit for us all if an educated, articulate, and in the words of our new Vice President, "clean" black man, who is married and an active father to his children, could become the new role model for African-American men and boys.

If Obama’s election comes to be viewed not as an end, but a new beginning for African-American men and boys, then that will be a true achievement. If he manages to rise to the level of greatness he embodies for his fervent supporters, then perhaps, just perhaps, the disappointment and despair, and yes, fear, so many conservatives feel, might not, in the words of Rick Blaine, "amount to a hill of beans."

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Vote for Change

After careful and anguished consideration, I have decided to vote for change tomorrow. After eight years of the Bush-Cheney administration, I firmly believe that we need new faces in the White House. The only way to achieve this is by voting for change.
 
That is why I am voting for John McCain. If he is elected, he will represent regime change. He will be a new face in the White House. This is the change we need, and I believe we will be able to believe in the needed change he will be. Of course, this brings up the whole Sarah Palin issue. The crucial question is, can we as a nation afford to have a Vice President with no foreign policy experience? Now some might argue that Barack Obama doesn’t have any foreign policy experience either, but that is a completely different matter. Everyone knows it doesn’t matter if the President has no foreign policy experience, but it is crucial that the Vice President does. (How else will she know who to talk to and who to ignore when she travels abroad to attend funerals?).
 
By revealing my choice at this late date, I hope to generate a groundswell of support for McCain, that can allow him to come from behind to victory. He is already closing the gap in the polls, and there are a great many independents still waiting in the wings. If they swing McCain’s way, especially in the “crucial battleground” states, it may be enough for McCain to claim victory.
 
It isn’t likely, and in some ways, a McCain victory at this late date, after the media have virtually crowned Obama victor, is a frightening prospect. Mark Crispin Miller had an astounding article in Saturday’s “Wall Street Journal,” where he stated that Republican attempts to steal this election through fraud are unprecedented. His point is that by pointing at obvious, documented and in many cases criminally charged fraudulent behavior by radical groups such as ACORN, Republicans are trying to distract the public from their attempts to “purge voter rolls.”
 
Before the passage of HAVA, the Help America Vote Act, purging voter rolls was a legal and  necessary act of housekeeping. It was one of the actions taken to avoid voter fraud. It helped keep the total of registered voters beneath the 100% of registered voters threshold. HAVA required registrars to keep questionable voters on the rolls for at least two Presidential election cycles, and more significantly, helped create an atmosphere in which simple, proper and prudent housekeeping became tarred with the brush of “vote suppression.”
 
There are a couple scenarios in which McCain can win, and neither is good. One is the much ballyhooed Bradley Effect, which purports that racists will tell pollsters that they intend to vote for a Black candidate in order to conceal their racism. In fact, there may well be many people for whom Obama’s race matters far less than his ideology, but who will not admit their opposition out of fear of being labeled racist. In this scenario, which is further complicated by the tendency of pollsters to inflate the number of Democrats and young voters, thereby artificially inflating Democrat support before the election, those on the left who have proven to be invested in shaking the public’s faith in our electoral process, will immediately raise the cry of theft and voter suppression.
 
Such an outcome is likely to result in civil disorder of nearly historic proportions. Coming on the heels of the stock market crash, a deep recession, and international instability, such an occurrence could have seriously damaging consequences.
 
The second, and more likely scenario, could see McCain close out all the disputed “battleground” states, resulting in his winning enough electoral votes to gain the White House, while losing the electoral vote, not by the statistically negligible amount that George W. Bush did in 2000, but by several million. Though this scenario might also provoke civil unrest, it will likely not be as severe as the first scenario. One certain result of this outcome would be a Constitutional Amendment to do away with the Electoral College, which will have the effect of the largest cities in the country determining elections from this point forward.
 
At the end of the day, these concerns should probably remain well within the realm of the speculative. From where I sit, even with the dramatic uptick in McCain supporters generated by my endorsement, it will probably not be enough to alter the outcome.
 
Should Obama win, my first reaction will be to take great pride in a nation which, within a little more than a generation, went from a country in which Black Americans were beaten and even killed merely for attempting to exercise their right to vote, to a nation in which a Black American could be elected President. Make no mistake about it. There is not another country in the civilized world in which such an outcome is even conceivable. It will be yet another reason for not just Michelle Obama, but for all Americans to be proud of their country.
 
My second reaction will be to fervently pray that I am wrong about Obama and what he stands for. I hold out little hope for my prayers to be answered. The Obama administration, aided and abetted by the Democrat majority in both houses of Congress, will take as their road map the reign of FDR, and embark upon a “100 Days” of rapid, far-reaching and ill-considered legislation which will alter the fabric of our society for years to come.
 
Sadly, the best result of an Obama election, that of putting to rest once and for all the pernicious role of race in our society, will not be forthcoming. I boldly predict that within 48 hours of Obama’s election, not one, but many commentators will remark that his election has given our nation a splendid “opportunity to open a long-overdue discussion on race.”
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Reunited, and it Feels So Good

 When confronted with Russia’s Caucasian adventurism, President George W. Bush responded by cheering harder for Misty May-Traenor. Surely this has not gone unnoticed by our once and future adversaries around the world. If Bush can’t muster the resolve to counter the Russians, they must think, what can they expect from his successor, Barack H. Obama? Obama, after all, is the embodiment of those who excoriate the incumbent as a cowboy, a unilateralist, a warmonger. Those who wish us ill must be licking their lips in gleeful anticipation of the ascension of the junior Senator from Illinois.

While we don’t know the source of the first great challenge he will face, we know for certain that he will be tested, early and severely. How he responds to these tests will go a long way toward determining the future of American power and influence in the world.

One likely scenario involves China. Fresh from the airbrushed, lip-synched success of the Olympics, China’s leaders will no doubt test Obama’s resolve to preserve America’s commitment to the security of Taiwan. Soon after his inauguration, China will instigate a series of diplomatic disputes with the island nation. How Obama responds will help determine how far China is willing to go. A firm, forthright reiteration of our support for Taiwan would no doubt temper China’s aggressiveness. A timid, retiring deferral of the matter to the judgement of "the international community" will have the opposite effect. It doesn’t take too much imagination to figure out which option Obama will choose.

Once China presents the world with the fait accompli of its Taiwanese conquest, Obama will feel forced to act. Though preferring the photogeneity of JFK bravado, he will be more likely to follow the lead of the man whose second term he was elected to fill. He won’t know what to do, but he will know he has to do something. After an exhaustive analysis of his options, Obama will no doubt ask WWJD, or What Would Jimmy Do?

The answer will come quickly and clearly. We should boycott the Beijing Olympics! A great idea, flawed only by the fact that they will already have included. This is where his otherworldly grasp of nuance will come to the rescue. In a perfect melding of Carteresque resolve with the moral suasion of that other, more compatible JFK, Obama will announce that a retroactive boycott. Assembling all the American medal winners to Washington, he will personally lead them in a march to the Chinese Embassy, where they will all throw their medals over the fence onto the embassy grounds.

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